Monday, June 25, 2012

 

Federalism from the ground


The following article was published in Republica on June 25 with the title "The true picture: Federalism from the ground". The direct link to Republica is here.

 The true picture: Federalism from the ground

A day after we missed the deadline for drafting the new constitution, I was at a barber’s shop waiting to get a haircut. The shop had two benches outside for people to sit and wait for their turn. The benches were occupied by middle-aged Nepali men who, as we’d all guess, were discussing politics and cursing the politicians for their failure to deliver the constitution.

They condemned Maoist Chairman Prachanda, Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai and leaders of the CPN-UML, NC and Madhesi parties. Soon, Ang Kaji Sherpa’s name popped up during a conversation on ethnic federalism. “It was gravely irresponsible of Prachanda to ask the ethnic minorities to rebel. What was he thinking? Has he lost his mind?” they discussed. These people, however, had failed to understand that all of Prachanda’s actions and words now are motivated by his ambition to become the President someday. He was only trying to muster future votes from the minorities for his presidential bid. A person who led a decade-long insurgency, and succeeded, cannot be stupid to do/say something without a reason.

The most heated debate was on the restructuring issue in federal Nepal. One of the arguments was particularly compelling. ‘Suppose you are a father and you have three sons and three pieces of land with varying quality; will you give the best piece to one son, the good piece to another and the barren (the worst piece) to the last one? Or, will you try to figure out a more equitable and just distribution so that none of your children feel cheated?’

If the father does not figure out a way to scientifically distribute his land fairly amongst his children, they will not be able to live in harmony. The same is going to happen in Nepal due to unequal distribution. How can you give the entire Tarai—the most productive land in Nepal—to one group of people? Those people outside the barber’s shop had a point. For example, if Tharuhat becomes a federal state, aren’t you doing injustice to the other group of people who live in the hills and mountains in the Far-west? If Tharuhat refuses to send food, people in the hills and mountains of Karnali will starve.

Those awaiting outside the barber’s shop in Kathmandu aren’t the only people echoing such sentiments. In the past month, I have had interactions with politicians in Jhapa and Janakpur. Politicians in Jhapa believe in giving equal respect to all people in Nepal. Therefore, they reject any ethnic federalism proposal. Politicians in Janakpur want recognition and promotion of various ethnic groups in the region, but they reject designing the states based on ethnicity. They believe that proportional representation and economics should drive the federalism debate. Ethnic federalism, as it turns out, is not a demand from the grassroots.

It is essential that the federated states pay attention to geography, economic capacity and ethnic identity. Attention to ethnic identity, however, does not mean an ethnicity-based federal state but conservation and encouragement of all ethnic groups with proportional representation in politics. Also, people at the grassroots reject some claims that federalism and state restructuring in Nepal will diminish social harmony. They instead believe that such a federal structure will actually enhance the social fabric and make it stronger.

Both groups—from Jhapa and Janakpur—agree on the provision of preferential rights on resources to marginalized and deprived groups. However, the agradhikar concept is neither proportional nor inclusive and, therefore, un-democratic. On some issues like jobs and employment to groups that have been ignored in the past, agradhikar may be good. But, the proposal that the first two chief ministers of the newly federated states should be from the dominant ethnic group is not acceptable. The federal states should either decide on this issue through voting or all political positions should be determined by who wins elections. After all, we still live in a democracy and therefore, should honor democratic principles by electing representatives through elections.

Ethnic division within major political parties has been blamed for the current political stalemate. Although inclusiveness and proportional representation is advocated by all parties, it is clear that the parties are not practicing what they preach. The impasse on peace, federalism and state restructuring will continue if we keep ignoring ethnic voices within the parties. Instead of dissolving the CA, it would have been wiser to form a re-structured polity to engage in finalizing the constitution because the fact remains that there were many compromises and agreements anyway made during the process. Electing a new CA may undo the agreements that have been made in framing the constitution. However, everyone does acknowledge that national level leaders were constrained by the Supreme Court’s decision to deny any more extensions to the CA.

In both Jhapa and Janakpur, there is a growing distrust for national level politics and politicians. Both these groups of politicians feel that the flaming, and often violent, ethnic rhetoric has not served these regions well. They both believe in promotion of different identities but disagree on ethnicity-based federal states. More tellingly, the politicians in Janakpur confided that most of what was portrayed nationally about the demands of ‘Mithila’ was incorrect. Most such demands did not emanate from the ground. These politicians rue the fact that their dialogues at the national level have been hijacked by a handful of influential politicians and columnists writing on the issues of Madhes and Mithila. In the opinion of these grassroots politicians, these national level politicians and journalists do not reflect the real demands of people on the ground.














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