Tuesday, July 10, 2012
Federal Journeys
The following opinion piece was published today (July 10, 2012) in Kathmandu Post with the title "Federal Journeys". The direct link to Kathmandu Post is here.
In the past month, I have visited different parts of Nepal to observe focus group discussions of local political actors regarding federalism, restructuring issues, nomenclature of states, “agradhikar” (priority rights) and ethnic federalism. These focus group discussions were held in Jhapa, Janakpur and Dang. During this time, I also interacted with the local citizens in Dang, Kailali and Dadeldhura, gauging their moods regarding the current political crisis and the election announced to be held in November.
According to the grassroots level politicians in Jhapa, Janakpur and Dang, the announcement of fresh elections was not only illogical, but also insensitive coming from the current government because it was not a decision borne from national consensus. We are already risking a broader social crisis due to the failure to re-integrate the Maoists back into society on time. Also, high unemployment, over-reliance on overseas destinations for jobs, growing inflation and government inaction in reining the stalled economy has propagated the economic crisis. The political crisis—as a result of the Maoists backtracking from
the five-point agreement and the failure to deliver the constitution on time—has further fanned the already flaming crises.
The peace process has not come to a satisfactory conclusion, and the Maoists are blamed for this in all three districts. A major hindrance to success has been a section of the Maoist party that does not want to do away with its “armed force”. Maoists are also blamed for developing a hunger for staying in power by any means. They are accused of not participating in any concrete negotiations to resolve thorny issues of integration, federal restructuring and federal states’ nomenclature. In Janakpur, those that face blame are the NC, UML, pro-monarchy actors, Khas-affiliated groups and other status quo-seeking forces. That’s everyone except the Madhesis. These groups are accused of always having “problems” with the Madhesi issues and rights. However, all these political actors confessed that their respective national leaders were not striving hard enough for solutions.
Politicians in Dang claim that the failure to draft the constitution was not because of a lack of compromise or understanding, but it is linked directly with the federal restructuring issue. As it has been reported many times, national level leaders did reach a consensus on many issues. Madhesi Morcha demands that the entire Madhes be split into not more than two states. Then how is it acceptable to split the hills and mountains into more than two states? Isn’t that hypocritical? This, along with the aggressive ethnic federal state demands by the Madhesis and other ethnic groups, is the reason why the current polity could not release a constitution. It was much easier to announce fresh elections and let the next CA deal with such sensitive issues.
Despite their differences, the grassroots politicians in all three districts do not want a single ethnicity-based federal state. They also disagree on the agradhikar concept because it is un-democratic, non-inclusive and non-proportional. The proposal to have the first two chiefs of newly formed states come from dominant ethnic groups in those states flies in the face of democratic principles of elected representation. However, there is support for preferential rights and reservations for the previously oppressed and marginalised groups like Badi, Dalits, Tharus and others. The federalism design should focus on three important things: identity, geography and self-determination. That is a common demand of grassroots level politicians in all three districts.
The politicians in Dang spoke of a survey that was carried out by the CA regarding federalism design. The survey showed that most people in the grassroots level—including political actors—considered “geographic accessibility” as the most important criteria in designing the new federal states. However, this survey result has not been mentioned by the State Restructuring Committee, political parties, the CAs, rights organisations or the media. This highlights the fact that a few dominant voices have hijacked the national level debates on federal restructuring and the public has not found an avenue to voice its opinions. The overwhelming public opinion has conveniently been ignored.
My interaction with the citizens in Dadeldhura and Kailali painted similar pictures. Although people in both these districts are frustrated with the national level political shenanigans, those in Dadeldhura consider their distress futile as they know Sher Bahadur Deuba would win by a landslide in the next election. However, people in Kailali do not fancy giving another chance to the Maoists. Kailali was one of the worst affected districts in the Far-West during the Maoist conflict. The Maoists swept the district in the last election. Also, people here claim that they are now aware that all these ethnic confrontations are nothing but a ruse by the political parties to fool them. They also expect the Maoists to lose the district in the coming election.
Adding insult to injury through these crises, community activists and mediators have reported alarming complaints from villages in Kailali. Conflict-affected single mothers have come to mediators with complaints that their children are increasingly talking of exacting revenge. A teenager with a Maoist father killed by the Army wants to someday kill the army men, and a teenager with an Army father killed by Maoists wants someday to kill the “maobadis”. These young adults have not actually engaged in such sort of retaliation, but the single mothers fear that their kids could take that extra step.
There are other kinds of threats that come through different actors in these areas. For example, my interaction with ethnic activists in Dang showed that the Tharus vehemently demand a “Tharuhat” state and threaten riots if their demand is not met. Tharu activists claim that it is not an ethnic demand, but a demand for identity and protection of that identity. “Tharuhat” would recognise the culture, language and people that are indigenous to that region and have been living there for thousands of years. In addition, Tharu activists want the government to develop reparation packages for Tharus and other groups that have been oppressed for centuries.
On the face of all these emerging problems, maybe dissolving the CA was indeed an easier way out than having to handle the mess. However, we have to realise that avoidance is not the best strategy. You will not know how to slay the beast until you face the beast. Grassroots level politicians and the citizens of Jhapa, Dang, Janakpur, Dadeldhura and Kailali express similar feelings-that we should have just manned up and faced the beast when we had the chance.
In the past month, I have visited different parts of Nepal to observe focus group discussions of local political actors regarding federalism, restructuring issues, nomenclature of states, “agradhikar” (priority rights) and ethnic federalism. These focus group discussions were held in Jhapa, Janakpur and Dang. During this time, I also interacted with the local citizens in Dang, Kailali and Dadeldhura, gauging their moods regarding the current political crisis and the election announced to be held in November.
According to the grassroots level politicians in Jhapa, Janakpur and Dang, the announcement of fresh elections was not only illogical, but also insensitive coming from the current government because it was not a decision borne from national consensus. We are already risking a broader social crisis due to the failure to re-integrate the Maoists back into society on time. Also, high unemployment, over-reliance on overseas destinations for jobs, growing inflation and government inaction in reining the stalled economy has propagated the economic crisis. The political crisis—as a result of the Maoists backtracking from
the five-point agreement and the failure to deliver the constitution on time—has further fanned the already flaming crises.
The peace process has not come to a satisfactory conclusion, and the Maoists are blamed for this in all three districts. A major hindrance to success has been a section of the Maoist party that does not want to do away with its “armed force”. Maoists are also blamed for developing a hunger for staying in power by any means. They are accused of not participating in any concrete negotiations to resolve thorny issues of integration, federal restructuring and federal states’ nomenclature. In Janakpur, those that face blame are the NC, UML, pro-monarchy actors, Khas-affiliated groups and other status quo-seeking forces. That’s everyone except the Madhesis. These groups are accused of always having “problems” with the Madhesi issues and rights. However, all these political actors confessed that their respective national leaders were not striving hard enough for solutions.
Politicians in Dang claim that the failure to draft the constitution was not because of a lack of compromise or understanding, but it is linked directly with the federal restructuring issue. As it has been reported many times, national level leaders did reach a consensus on many issues. Madhesi Morcha demands that the entire Madhes be split into not more than two states. Then how is it acceptable to split the hills and mountains into more than two states? Isn’t that hypocritical? This, along with the aggressive ethnic federal state demands by the Madhesis and other ethnic groups, is the reason why the current polity could not release a constitution. It was much easier to announce fresh elections and let the next CA deal with such sensitive issues.
Despite their differences, the grassroots politicians in all three districts do not want a single ethnicity-based federal state. They also disagree on the agradhikar concept because it is un-democratic, non-inclusive and non-proportional. The proposal to have the first two chiefs of newly formed states come from dominant ethnic groups in those states flies in the face of democratic principles of elected representation. However, there is support for preferential rights and reservations for the previously oppressed and marginalised groups like Badi, Dalits, Tharus and others. The federalism design should focus on three important things: identity, geography and self-determination. That is a common demand of grassroots level politicians in all three districts.
The politicians in Dang spoke of a survey that was carried out by the CA regarding federalism design. The survey showed that most people in the grassroots level—including political actors—considered “geographic accessibility” as the most important criteria in designing the new federal states. However, this survey result has not been mentioned by the State Restructuring Committee, political parties, the CAs, rights organisations or the media. This highlights the fact that a few dominant voices have hijacked the national level debates on federal restructuring and the public has not found an avenue to voice its opinions. The overwhelming public opinion has conveniently been ignored.
My interaction with the citizens in Dadeldhura and Kailali painted similar pictures. Although people in both these districts are frustrated with the national level political shenanigans, those in Dadeldhura consider their distress futile as they know Sher Bahadur Deuba would win by a landslide in the next election. However, people in Kailali do not fancy giving another chance to the Maoists. Kailali was one of the worst affected districts in the Far-West during the Maoist conflict. The Maoists swept the district in the last election. Also, people here claim that they are now aware that all these ethnic confrontations are nothing but a ruse by the political parties to fool them. They also expect the Maoists to lose the district in the coming election.
Adding insult to injury through these crises, community activists and mediators have reported alarming complaints from villages in Kailali. Conflict-affected single mothers have come to mediators with complaints that their children are increasingly talking of exacting revenge. A teenager with a Maoist father killed by the Army wants to someday kill the army men, and a teenager with an Army father killed by Maoists wants someday to kill the “maobadis”. These young adults have not actually engaged in such sort of retaliation, but the single mothers fear that their kids could take that extra step.
There are other kinds of threats that come through different actors in these areas. For example, my interaction with ethnic activists in Dang showed that the Tharus vehemently demand a “Tharuhat” state and threaten riots if their demand is not met. Tharu activists claim that it is not an ethnic demand, but a demand for identity and protection of that identity. “Tharuhat” would recognise the culture, language and people that are indigenous to that region and have been living there for thousands of years. In addition, Tharu activists want the government to develop reparation packages for Tharus and other groups that have been oppressed for centuries.
On the face of all these emerging problems, maybe dissolving the CA was indeed an easier way out than having to handle the mess. However, we have to realise that avoidance is not the best strategy. You will not know how to slay the beast until you face the beast. Grassroots level politicians and the citizens of Jhapa, Dang, Janakpur, Dadeldhura and Kailali express similar feelings-that we should have just manned up and faced the beast when we had the chance.
Labels: Dadeldhura, Dang, ethnic federalism, federalism, Janakpur, Jhapa, Kailali
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